‘Lincoln’ good tale about the man and his Cabinet
The greatness of Abraham Lincoln is so obvious that many a writer has been forced to follow some crack-brained theory over a cliff merely to say something new.
Lincoln the racist who ended slavery? Lincoln the gay man of the frontier? Lincoln the Rosicrucian is only a matter of time.
Fortunately, Doris Kearns Goodwin has been working for the past 10 years on “Team of Rivals: The Political Genius of Abraham Lincoln,” a wonderful book that shows Lincoln clearly by broadening the focus to include his Cabinet.
Perhaps just in time to make us envious, she gives us a portrait of effective democratic government in bad times, led by a political genius.
Lincoln came into office as the darkest of dark horses, without formal education or much experience in office, a representative of the American frontier, dismissed as a rube by virtually everyone of importance. He would succeed James Buchanan, generally recognized as the worst of our presidents, just as the nation was about to break apart over the issue of slavery and its expansion.
Soon after his election, the Southern states began to secede from the Union, and even the North was divided between “war Democrats,” peace Democrats, radical Republicans and conservatives. His political party was only four years old.
Goodwin deftly portrays Lincoln’s balancing of factions and his gift for leading public opinion without ever getting too far ahead. She does this by means of a multiple biography, focusing on Salmon P. Chase, William H. Seward and Edward Bates, all men who had a better claim to the presidency and knew it. It was Lincoln’s genius to bring them all into his Cabinet and manage their talents, ambitions, quirks and constituencies with near-perfect skill.
These are men who are mere names in most accounts of Lincoln. Goodwin gives them life. Chase, an arrogant man, seemed to believe he should be president himself by divine right. Seward, a brilliant veteran politician, was committed heart and soul to the abolition of slavery. Bates, the Missouri conservative, was against abolition.
Somehow, Lincoln made it work, despite insults and occasional outright disloyalty, mostly from Chase. These are excellent miniature portraits that bring depth to anyone’s understanding of the nation’s divisions and Lincoln’s genius for managing the most horrific war in our history.
Goodwin makes it clear that it was Lincoln’s strength of character and emotional stability that lay behind his political acumen. He was a good man who happened also to be clever. Together, those factors worked to create a government of deep skill, manifold opinions and powerful effectiveness.
Goodwin has always been a graceful writer. Here, despite occasional rough spots caused by doing so many things, she has written a history that is also a good yarn.
For those who might be concerned by accusations of plagiarism against her a decade ago, this book incorporates 121 pages of fine-print footnotes and three more pages of acknowledgments. She has found new source material from the Seward family and incorporated enough contemporary accounts to create a vivid portrait of life in wartime Washington.
This book ennobles politics, as least as practiced by Abraham Lincoln. Our democracy could use some ennobling these days.