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Spokane, Washington  Est. May 19, 1883

Hezbollah, al-Qaida tension mirrors Shiite, Sunni

Donna Abu-nasr Associated Press

BEIRUT, Lebanon – To the outside world, the two groups appear to have much in common: devoutly Muslim, fiercely hostile to Israel and the United States, and high on Washington’s list of terrorist groups.

Yet al-Qaida in Iraq and Lebanon’s Hezbollah are waging a worsening verbal dispute that threatens to burst into confrontation.

First came a fiery diatribe from al-Qaida in Iraq leader Abu Musab al-Zarqawi – just a week before he was killed by a U.S. airstrike – accusing Hezbollah of acting as a protective buffer for Israel.

Hezbollah, generally reserved in its comments on internal Islamic issues, began to react: One of its main political figures said it wasn’t his group at all but al-Zarqawi that was the “tool” of United States and Israel.

The accusations on their face could be seen as little but competing propaganda. But the animosity runs far deeper than these two radical groups. There is a growing divide in the Middle East between Sunni Muslim extremists, including al-Zarqawi’s group, and Shiite Muslim militants personified by Hezbollah.

Many see the emerging tensions as a dangerous trend that could lead to violent Shiite-Sunni conflict not only in Iraq but also around the Persian Gulf.

What’s unknown yet is whether al-Zarqawi’s death could help ease the tensions. But the omens are grim: The man who al-Qaida says is al-Zarqawi’s successor has already vowed to complete what his predecessor began, including a brutal campaign against Shiites aimed at sparking a civil war in Iraq.

Shiite and Sunni tensions have existed in the Middle East for centuries.

The two branches of Islam live uneasily side by side in some countries, such as Lebanon, or in Iraq under Saddam Hussein. Other countries have a strong majority of one or the other that dominates, such as Sunni Saudi Arabia whose Shiite minority is mostly politically repressed.

Al-Zarqawi brought all of that to a boil because of “his personal hatred of Iraq’s Shiite population,” said Richard Evans, terrorism editor at Jane’s Information Group in London.

His goal was to create a Sunni Muslim religious-based government in Iraq, and he believed “that could only be achieved with the defeat of any Shiite-led Iraqi government,” Evans said.

Thus, he tried to kill Shiites in Iraq, which is now ruled by a Shiite-led government.

Al-Zarqawi also may have worried that Hezbollah was too popular among Arab Sunnis – that it was his rival for Sunnis’ affections across the region – because of its fight against Israel.

Hezbollah has wide political support among Arabs because it spearheaded the guerrilla warfare against Israel’s 18-year occupation of a buffer zone in southern Lebanon, which ended with an Israeli withdrawal in 2000.

In his last audiotape, al-Zarqawi accused Hezbollah of having “serious ties” with the Jewish state.

“The party has raised false banners regarding the liberation of Palestine, while in fact it stands guard against Sunnis who want to cross the border” into Israel to launch attacks, he said.

Hezbollah publicly has remained quiet on the issue, apparently so as not to inflame feelings. But its officials, when reached by the Associated Press, were quick to react.

Hezbollah’s political bureau member in charge of international relations, Nawaf al-Mussawi, accused al-Zarqawi of being a U.S.-Israeli tool against Arab resistance groups.

Al-Qaida leader Osama bin Laden has never attacked Hezbollah and has always presented himself as trying to eliminate strife among Muslims, Evans said.

Indeed, al-Zarqawi’s attacks on Shiite civilians in Iraq have been a point of conflict between his group and bin Laden.