Megan Cooley

"The Record," a 30-second TV commercial by the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, criticizes Cathy McMorris' health care voting record in the Washington state House of Representatives: "She voted against a plan to expand health-care coverage to 10,000 uninsured kids," the narrator says. "(She) voted to block thousands from the state's Basic Health Plan. And McMorris even voted against making Washington eligible for additional federal health-care funds." McMorris' stanceMcMorris' campaign said she voted against the measures because she favors private-sector approaches over government-funded ways of addressing health care problems. McMorris wants to make health care more affordable through tort reform and by helping businesses pool together to buy coverage for employees at lower rates. She was against Senate Bill 5416 – the expansion of insurance for children – because it made federal health care funds available to middle-class families instead of limiting it to those most in need. Instead, she supported a bill that would have cost less money and covered children with special needs and others in the state's Basic Health Plan. She opposed SB 5404, an appropriations bill that would have expanded Basic Health Plan access, because she supported a "no new taxes" budget plan instead. McMorris voted against House Bill 2018 (opposing additional federal funding) because she thought it would pass the cost of health care on to private insurers who would have to raise their rates to compensate, he said.The DCCC's stanceIf providing better health care to more people is a priority to voters, then McMorris is not their candidate."Given her priorities in the Washington Legislature she would not be a champion to expanding access to health care," DCCC spokesman Greg Speed said. "(Her voting record) clearly illustrates where her priorities really lie."Speed said McMorris' vote on the appropriations bill is significant because the health-care piece of it was a big issue during that time and because the proposed bill capped enrollment in the Basic Health Plan."There's broad support in the 5th District for expanding health care, but time and again in the House, Cathy McMorris was against that," he said.The bottom line Let's look at this bill by bill.SB 5416: In 1999, when this bill was introduced, Washington was one of only two states not participating in the federal Children's Health Insurance Program. To quote testimony for the legislation from the bill's report: "(Washington) is missing the opportunity to provide vital support to working families."Because it passed, families of four that earn $41,000 a year, for example, get help with medical coverage. Legislators agreed to spend $4 million in state money to get more than $7 million a year in matching funds from the federal government. Despite McMorris' no vote, SB 5416 passed by large margins. SB 5404: Because this was an appropriations bill, it included suggested budget allocations on everything from health care to wood stove education programs. To say McMorris is against helping people get health-care coverage because she voted against this bill is like saying she's a vegetarian because she doesn't like bacon. HB 2018: Another opportunity to tap into federal funds to cover the uninsured. It would have helped people with health conditions that block them from regular coverage. But it would have meant they could apply directly to the program instead of seeking coverage from a private insurer first. McMorris' votes on these bills are consistent with her conservative stance. Generally speaking, she feels health care should be in the private market, Brady said.Ad watch is an analysis of campaign advertising that will appear regularly during election season. Megan Cooley can be reached at 927-2165 or meganc@spokesman.com.For more information on the election, visit the online election guide at: www.spokesmanreview.com/elections

"The Terminal," a 30-second TV commercial by the National Republican Campaign Committee, illuminates the ugly points of a public-private partnership between Spokane Transit Authority and Don Barbieri's company in the early 1990s. A deal to build a downtown transit high-rise fell through, and the ad claims Barbieri made a $900,000 profit off of it. It also accuses him of dropping the two contracting companies he hired to build the structure and questions why he didn't return the profit to STA when the project was dumped. Barbieri's stance"I think the NRCC needs to spend less time slinging mud and more time learning their business basics," Barbieri's press secretary, Stephen Barbieri, said. The cost of acquiring land and preparing it for new development is a lot higher than just the price tag on the property. And even though CenterPlace, a 23-story transit center, hotel, retail and condominium building, never came to fruition, Don Barbieri has put money into downtown Spokane in other developments and retains a good relationship with STA.NRCC's reaction"Don Barbieri made all these promises and then he couldn't get the financing and he walked away," NRCC spokesman Carl Forti said. Forti said the candidate has been on TV telling voters what a good businessman he is, but "Don Barbieri's business record isn't as stellar as his press secretary would have you believe." The bottom line The NRCC's attempt to squeeze a complicated issue into a 30-second spot is a bit like baking a wedding cake in a pudding cup. Unfortunately, doing so misleads voters on a few points. STA wanted to enter into a public-private partnership to build a transit center downtown. It selected Barbieri's company, Goodale & Barbieri, for the job. The parties agreed that G&B would sell the land to STA and then lease it back. STA also would get 4 percent of the building's gross sales. The building was to include hotel rooms, condominiums, retail shops and other amenities. The deal was supposed to earn the transit authority $34 million over 60 years. The ad says STA bought five of the six parcels for $3 million, even though G&B only paid $2.1 million for that land – which is true. That transaction did occur soon after the two parties reached an agreement to work together, and that price is backed by a Dec. 20, 1990, article in the Journal of Business. For all six parcels, though, G&B spent almost $2.7 million. On top of that, the company spent almost $1.3 million demolishing buildings on the property, doing an environmental cleanup and covering other costs. The ad doesn't include the price of the sixth parcel or the other associated costs. A real estate firm appraised the property at $3.525 million after the land was cleared. Since state law prohibits a public agency from paying less for land than its appraised value, negotiations started there. STA ended up buying the land from G&B for $3.689 million, more than a half a million more than the ad says because it didn't include the cost of the sixth parcel. If anything, Barbieri lost about $300,000 on the deal, according to the appraisal and court records. Attorney Steve Eugster filed a lawsuit claiming STA paid too much, but the courts said the purchase price was reasonable. The ad's claim that Barbieri's financing for CenterPlace was dropped is true, and he did cut loose two contracting companies when the project started to cost more than anticipated. But the ad's impression that Barbieri did this to make a profit isn't fair. STA entered into the agreement with G&B before the financing was in place. CenterPlace didn't pencil out, so STA ended up building its own, scaled-down plaza – although some would argue the current plaza is anything but austere. Ad watch is an analysis of campaign advertising that will run regularly during election season. If you have questions about Ad watch, contact reporter Megan Cooley, (509) 927-2165 or meganc@spokesman.com, or political editor Shawn Vestal, (509) 459-5431 or shawnv@spokesman.comFor more information on the election, visit the online election guide at: www.spokesmanreview.com/elections

"Different," a 30-second television ad by Rep. George Nethercutt's campaign, opens with a photo of Osama bin Laden. A picture of the World Trade Center destruction follows. Then, the ad dedicates 15 seconds to video footage of Sen. Patty Murray speaking to high school students about bin Laden. Murray tells the class, "He's been out in those countries for decades building schools, building roads, building infrastructure, building day care facilities, building health care facilities. And the people are extremely grateful. He's made lives better. We have not done that."

"Sound Bites," a 30-second TV commercial by the National Republican Congressional Committee, accuses Don Barbieri of putting "profits before jobs" when his dairy, Broadview Dairy, merged with another in 1997 to form Inland Northwest Dairies LLC. The ad says "When Don Barbieri's company merged with Darigold Inc., they laid off nearly a quarter of their work force." Opponent's reaction"They got it wrong," said Barbieri's press secretary, Stephen Barbieri. "(Darigold) was a struggling company, and Don went in there and saved those jobs." The Barbieri campaign is running two response ads: one says negative ads won't create jobs and another features a longtime dairy employee who says Barbieri stepped in to help. Response"For somebody who breaks their arm patting themselves on the back for their job-creation record, (the dairy merger) speaks to a different track," NRCC spokesman Bo Harmon said. When asked about Barbieri's response that the merger saved the companies, Harmon focused on the fact that about 20 employees were put out of work in 1997. "It may have been a good business deal, but to those employees who lost their job it was a bad deal," he said.The bottom line In the end, Barbieri's move actually saved jobs because it kept the dairy – in one form or another – alive. On their own, the dairies were struggling and running at half capacity. The consolidation allowed the single operation to run 20 hours a day, or almost at full capacity. When the companies merged, Broadview acquired 51 percent of Darigold's assets, and 20 positions from Darigold's staff of 85 were cut. The new business employed 150 people in 1997, so NRCC's claim that 25 percent of the work force was cut either referred to the Darigold operation without clearly saying so or isn't mathematically correct. The facts are backed by the dairy's current manager, and they are clearly stated in a 1997 Spokesman-Review article, which, incidentally, is flashed on the screen during the NRCC ad. In 2001, the employees bought Inland Northwest Dairies and now share the profits. Barbieri no longer earns a profit from the dairy operation, but Inland Northwest Corp., of which Barbieri is a board member, is paid to provide management services. About 100 people work for Inland Northwest Dairies today.Ad Watch is a regular feature truth-testing campaign advertising through Election Day. If you have questions or comments, contact reporter Megan Cooley at 927-2165 or meganc@spokesman.com.For more information on the election and candidates. Visit Election Central, The Spokesman-Review's online election guide, at: www.spokesmanreview.com/elections

Streets can have "S" curves and "U" turns, but it's a "T" in one Spokane Valley road that has added to an ongoing controversy during the last four years. Appleway Boulevard, the southern leg of the Sprague-Appleway couplet, ends at University Road where drivers must turn either left or right. Straight ahead, drivers can see an unused right of way.

Commuters using the Spokane Valley's first bus service used to sit in wicker chairs placed on the back of a flatbed truck to get to and from work. Residents sometimes took dance lessons and watched silent movies in the old Opportunity Township Hall. And children marveled over the rocket-ship ride at Natatorium Park, the area's early version of a theme park. The people who lived those bits of the Spokane Valley's history eventually will fade away, but thanks to a new museum local history will live on.

NEW YORK – Davis "Deeg" Sezna Jr.'s friends gathered in different cities Saturday to drink Bloody Marys and play a round of golf in his memory. Sezna was two weeks into his job as a trader for a stock brokerage on the 104th floor of the World Trade Center's South Tower on Sept. 11, 2001.

Children might still be dreaming of swimming, even though public pools closed for the season last week. Well, Spokane Valley's three pools linger on the minds of city officials, too.

It's official. Summer's over. Sure, according to the calendar the beloved season has two weeks left. But the Spokane Symphony put summer to bed Monday night with its annual Labor Day concert in Comstock Park.

Lucas Lemmon doesn't know it yet, but he upheld a century-old family tradition Sunday. The 12-week-old baby was dedicated in a baptismal gown worn by at least 30 family members over four generations.

Jon Slichter tapped out the pain with his foot. The 27-year-old asked for a break, breathed deep, and then thumped his chest with his fist.

John Snediker is getting to know the Spokane Valley City Council three minutes at a time. That's how long the council gives citizens who speak publicly at Tuesday meetings. For the past few weeks, Snediker has used his three minutes to urge officials to slow down as they consider who will run the city's library for the next several years.