Real Shame Is That Scandal Is Accepted
Scandal has crept upon the U.S. Capitol on little cat’s feet. The “mindless cannibalism” Jim Wright prophesied nearly eight years ago has arrived: Democrats are turning Gingrich-bashing into an Olympic sport, and Republicans are preparing to conduct Torquemada-like inquisitions of Richard Gephardt, David Bonior, Bill Clinton, Hillary Rodham Clinton and anybody who has purchased so much as a frozen yogurt in the state of Arkansas.
Average Americans say they hate such proceedings, although, in truth, most of us watch them the way a layman watches an auto race: We keep an eye peeled for anybody who might spin out of control, smack a wall and explode in a fireball of vanity.
The latest round of scandal-mongering has pushed politics to new lows in public esteem - which is an accomplishment, since more than a century ago, Mark Twain called the congressman “the only distinctly native American form of criminal.” In the interest of restoring gentility to political warfare, consider three rules of engagement that might preserve legislative dignity without letting scofflaws escape unpunished:
First, assume those accused of political crimes are innocent until proven guilty.
This edict applies to Newt Gingrich, the president, the first lady and other scandal targets.
Every reporter in Washington has received dozens of “hot tips” alleging definitive proof the president did everything from terrorize Paula Jones to bump off Elvis. But so far, reporters have seen better evidence of life on Mars than of direct Clinton complicity in most of these affairs.
Another batch of scolds have devoted their lives to toppling Gingrich. Democrats claim the Gingrich case raises “serious charges,” even though most of the moralizers have seen none of the evidence.
There is a growing tendency in Washington to view investigations as a means of annihilating others’ reputations. Eventually, this kind of thinking turns on its practitioners because average citizens continue to harbor the quaint belief that inquiries should seek not blood but truth.
This brings us to Rule 2: Demand openness.
Friends of Bill confess the president has a gift for looking guilty. The White House regularly loses, conceals, shreds or forgets about key documents - and the president’s lawyers have stretched the doctrine of executive privilege to lengths Richard Nixon himself would have considered absurd. Since when does national security depend on shielding the name of the poor fool who hired Craig Livingstone as White House security director?
Gingrich has set a better example. He waived attorney-client privilege during the ethics committee probe into his college course. He ought to dump the files on the press and public, too.
Democrats and Republicans have used their respective scandals as excuses to push for pet causes - campaign-finance reform and tax simplification. Yet, if politicians really want to restore some public trust, they ought to let the public witness political activity in all its gore and glory - so voters can draw conclusions.
Finally, the third rule: Assume that people guilty of crimes deserve fitting punishments.
Both parties have a tendency to cast their sins as virtues. They say they got in trouble because they were so darned concerned about our welfare that they forgot about such trifles as the law.
Gingrich’s aides say he filed inaccurate papers with the ethics committee because he was too busy organizing a conservative revolution. Clinton’s acolytes actually dismiss seeming impropriety by asking: “Who cares?”
More recently, Democrats have sought to downplay the growing fund-raising scandal by claiming Republicans also do rotten things - as if Americans should draw consolation from the fact that unscrupulous grafters control both parties.
Shame ought to play a larger role in American politics. Pundits actually laud the “genius” of those who escape punishment for their misdeeds.
These people seem to think a good lawyer is the only thing that separates a genius from a felon. That kind of cynicism works in Washington cocktail parties, but it has little appeal elsewhere.
Democracy, after all, depends on trust. Our founders made it clear that no man should live above the law - and that lawmakers have a special obligation to play by the rules.
The three guidelines I’ve proposed could help restore the lost art of clean living. If members of Congress presume innocence, demand proof and punish wrongdoing, they can establish a foundation for working on more ambitious projects - like developing a conscience.
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