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Spokane, Washington  Est. May 19, 1883

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Opinion >  Column

Michael Hiltzik: The Supreme Court rejects ethics oversight. Can anything change that?

Doubts over the Supreme Court arise from publicity about a potentially improper financial relationship between Justice Clarence Thomas and Harlan Crow, a wealthy real estate developer; questions about whether Thomas and Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. should have recused themselves because of the appearance (at least) of conflicts of interest due to their wives' activities; and questions about whether Thomas and Justice Neil M. Gorsuch made adequate disclosures about their financial transactions.
Opinion >  Column

Outside View: Idaho owes St. Luke’s. It’s doing what the state and federal government failed to.

All Idahoans owe St. Luke’s Health System and its employees a debt of gratitude. As other institutions failed to bring accountability for the habitual disregard for the law shown by Ammon Bundy and his followers, St. Luke’s has stepped up. A story Wednesday by Sally Krutzig shows the events that led up to an arrest warrant being issued for Bundy, who has refused to participate in the lawsuit ...
Opinion >  Syndicated columns

Are you there, God? It’s today’s teen girls, and they need help.

There is no room for Margaret Ann Simon in 2023.This became clear over the weekend, as Gen X and millennial women returned to movie theaters across the country to see the adaptation of one of our childhood librarys' most dog-eared, passed-around, broken-spined books: "Are You There, God? It's Me, Margaret."I was one of them, going with a friend who also navigated puberty with the help of Judy Blume's field guide to American adolescence.And I went with a little bit of sadness. I always assumed that one day, I'd pass it along to a daughter and we would bond over the rite of motherhood. Nope - two boys for me. My sons got Blume's boy version, "Then Again, Maybe I Won't."So I thought that maybe I should gather a posse of boy moms to go see the movie, so we could bond over the nostalgia of our own journeys into womanhood. But the boy moms were busy. (Baseball season, of course.)So I went with another friend who's always up for an adventure and has children of both genders. On our way there, I asked her the most influential thing she remembered from a book written in 1970."The grandmother, she was so much fun," said my friend. "Nothing like our family."For most American women, this book was all about puberty - the frank talk about menstruation, armpits, training bras and spin-the-bottle.But for the children of immigrants like me and my friend, whose parents are Indian-born, it had the added bonus of giving us a seat at the American family dinner table. We learned about frilly bedspreads and white bedroom sets; birthday parties in the rec room; fun grandparents, roast beef for dinner and department-store shopping; the YMCA and the JCC, and the diversity and complexity of religion in America.It was Sandy Stokes - the sandpaper-voiced empty nester who had white shag carpet in her California living room and an uncanny empathy for the Czechoslovakian immigrants next door - who gave me the book. She was my American auntie.My friend was like many of us, she read the book at her local library, which did not get swept up in the 1980s book bans that yanked it off so many shelves."Did you give the book to your daughter?" I asked her. "So she didn't have to sneak it around in the library?""Ha! She wasn't interested," my friend said. "She was so far beyond Judy Blume at that point."Margaret Ann Simon couldn't really exist today.In her 1970 world, tweens were obsessed with the hunt for knowledge about what growing up entails. All a kid today needs is five minutes alone on a computer or mobile phone and they will see it all. Information, no matter how much the political censors grandstand upon feigned morality, cannot be contained.Nostalgists argue they can recapture Margaret's innocence by trying to keep kids in the dark, by banning books or restricting age-appropriate discussions about gender and sexuality in classrooms. "Are you there, God?" has been the target of book bans since it was published in 1970. Blume gave her kids' school library three copies of the book, but the male principal decided it wasn't appropriate. It never made it onto a shelf there - "never mind how many fifth and sixth grade girls already had their periods," Blume wrote in the foreword of an anthology by censored writers.That went on for years, making Margaret one of America's frequently banned characters. Now, 53 years later, the Florida state legislature considered a bill banning any talk of menstruation or reproductive health in elementary schools.Yet, whipping up political divides over books is easier than dealing with real problems, like the teen mental health epidemic, detailed in a jaw-dropping report by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.Nearly 1 in 3 high school girls said they've considered suicide. That's a 60 percent rise in the past decade and twice the number of boys who reported the same thoughts. Almost 14 percent of American girls surveyed had been forced to have sex. And about 57 percent of girls said they feel "persistently sad or hopeless," according to the February report.This isn't because they're reading books about their periods or learning that gay people exist.Harvard psychologist Richard Weissbourd told The Washington Post that this is about pain. And "girls are more likely to respond to pain in the world by internalizing conflict and stress and fear, and boys are more likely to translate those feelings into anger and aggression," masking their depression.It's not hard to find pain in teens' lives, which have been amplified beyond anything we imagined in 1970.Since 1999, when the shooting at Columbine High School changed American schools forever, there have been 377 school shootings. More than 339,000 American kids have experienced gun violence, according to The Post's database.Today, Margaret would be playacting her own massacre in active shooter drills at school. Her club, The PTS's (Pre Teen Sensations), wouldn't have meetings on private, giggly afternoons in someone's bedroom sharing Oreos - it would have a group chat. Instead of running under sprinklers, she'd spend her afternoons drilling for county championships with her travel soccer team. A rumor circulated among the kids of Room 18 could be an online post that goes viral. And rather than one glimpse of dad's Playboy to inform her of impossible beauty standards, she'd be awash in cartoonish beauty on social media.Yes, Margaret Ann Simon couldn't exist today. But our nostalgia for her is a powerful call to action: to see that our youths are still seeking something, and that it's on us to help them find it.
Opinion >  Syndicated columns

Jamelle Bouie: The ‘Woke Mind Virus’ Is Eating Away at Republicans’ Brains

There are a few reasons to think that President Joe Biden might lose his bid for reelection next year, even if Donald Trump is once more — for the third straight time — the Republican nominee.There’s the Electoral College, which could still favor the Republican Party just enough to give Trump 270 electoral votes, even if he doesn’t win a popular majority. There’s Biden’s overall standing — around 43% of Americans approve of his job performance — which doesn’t compare favorably with past incumbents who did win reelection. There’s the economy, which may hit a downturn between now and next November. And even if it doesn’t, Biden will still have presided over the highest inflation rate since the 1980s. Lastly, there’s Biden himself. The oldest person ever elected president, next year he will be — at 81 — the oldest president to ever stand for reelection. Biden’s age is a real risk that could suddenly become a liability.If Biden has potential weaknesses, however, it is also true that he doesn’t lack for real advantages. Along with low unemployment, there’s been meaningful economic growth, and he can point to significant legislative accomplishments. The Democratic Party is behind him; he has no serious rivals for the nomination.But Biden’s biggest advantage has to do with the opposition — the Republican Party has gotten weird.It’s not just that Republican policies are well outside the mainstream, but that the party itself has tipped over into something very strange.I had this thought while watching a clip of Ron DeSantis speak from a lectern to an audience we can’t see. In the video, which his press team highlighted on Twitter, DeSantis decries the “woke mind virus,” which he calls “a form of cultural Marxism that tries to divide us based on identity politics.”Now, I can follow this as a professional internet user and political observer. I know that “woke mind virus” is a term of art for the (condescending and misguided) idea that progressive views on race and gender are an outside contagion threatening the minds of young people who might otherwise reject structural explanations of racial inequality and embrace a traditional vision of the gender binary. I know that “cultural Marxism” is a right-wing buzzword meant to sound scary and imposing.To a normal person, on the other hand, this language is borderline unintelligible. It doesn’t tell you anything; it doesn’t obviously mean anything; and it’s quite likely to be far afield of your interests and concerns.DeSantis is a regular offender when it comes to speaking in the jargon of culture war-obsessed conservatives, but he’s not the only one. And it’s not just a problem of jargon. Republican politicians — from presidential contenders to anonymous state legislators — are monomaniacally focused on banning books, fighting “wokeness” and harassing transgender people. Some Republicans are even still denying the legitimacy of the 2020 presidential election, doubling down on the election-related conspiracies that hobbled many Republican candidates in the midterms.Not only do Americans not care about the various Republican obsessions — in a recent Fox News poll 1% of respondents said “wokeness” was “the most important issue facing the country today” — but a large majority say that those obsessions have gone too far. According to Fox, 60% of Americans said “book banning by school boards” was a major problem. Fifty-seven percent said the same for political attacks on families with transgender children.It is not for nothing that in Biden’s first TV ad of the 2024 campaign, he took specific aim at conservative book bans as a threat to freedom and American democracy.And yet there’s no sign that Republicans will relent and shift focus. Just the opposite, in fact; the party is poised to lurch even further down the road of its alienating preoccupations. On abortion, for example, Ronna McDaniel, the chair of the Republican National Committee, says candidates need to address the issue “head on” in 2024 — that they can’t be “uncomfortable” on the issue and need to say “I’m proud to be pro-life.”But the Republican Party has veered quite far from most Americans on abortion rights, and in a contested race for the presidential nomination, a “head-on” focus will possibly mean a fight over which candidate can claim the most draconian abortion views and policy aims.There’s more: DeSantis is in the midst of a legal battle with Disney, one of the most beloved companies on the planet, and House Republicans are threatening the global economy in order to pass a set of deeply unpopular spending cuts to widely used assistance programs.Taken together, it’s as if the Republican Party has committed itself to being as off-putting as possible to as many Americans as possible. That doesn’t mean the Republican Party is doomed, of course. But as of this moment, it is hard to say it’s on the road to political success.As for Joe Biden? The current state of the Republican Party only strengthens his most important political asset — his normalcy. He promised, in 2020, that he would be a normal president. And he is promising, for 2024, to continue to serve as a normal president. Normal isn’t fun and normal isn’t exciting. But normal has already won one election, and I won’t be surprised if it wins another.This article originally appeared in The New York Times.
Opinion >  Column

Sue Lani Madsen: Gerrymandering with a twist

When far-left Democrats insisted on gerrymandering a majority-minority legislative district in the Tri-Cities/Yakima area, they were clear in their goal. The website for Redistricting Justice for Washington, a coalition of progressive leaning organizations, pointed to Pasco’s 55% “Latinx” population and claimed they “faced structural disadvantages at the county level ... Tri-Citians should get a fair chance of electing someone that represents their communities at the state legislature.”